Some Females Can't Take Care of a Baby So They Can Have an Abortion

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The outcome of abortion on having and achieving aspirational i-twelvemonth plans

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Abstruse

Background

Women ordinarily report seeking abortion in order to achieve personal life goals. Few studies take investigated whether an abortion enables women to achieve such goals.

Methods

Data are from the Turnaway Study, a prospective cohort study of women recruited from 30 abortion facilities across the U.s.a.. The sample included women in i of four groups: Women who presented for abortion but over the facility's gestational limit, were denied an abortion and went on to parent the child (Parenting Turnaways, n = 146) or did not parent (Non-Parenting Turnaways, due north = 64), those who presented just under the facility's gestational limit and received an ballgame (Near-Limits, north = 413) and those who presented in the first trimester and received an abortion (Starting time Trimesters, n = 254). Participants were interviewed by telephone one week, six months and one year after they sought an abortion. We used mixed effects logistic regression to appraise the relationship between receiving versus being denied abortion and having an aspirational 1 year goal and achieving it.

Results

The 757 participants in this analysis reported a total of 1,304 ane-year plans. The most common i-year plans were related to pedagogy (21.3 %), employment (18.9 %), other (16.3 %), and alter in residence (10.four %). Most goals (80 %) were aspirational, defined equally a positive plan for the next year. First Trimesters and Near-Limits were over vi times every bit probable every bit Parenting Turnaways to report aspirational one-year plans [Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR) = six.37 and 6.56 respectively, p < 0.001 for both]. Among all plans in which achievement was measurable (n = 1,024, 87 %), Near-Limits (45.6 %, AOR = one.91, p = 0.003) and Not-Parenting Turnaways (47.9 %, AOR = 2.09, p = 0.026) were more probable to have both an aspirational plan and to have accomplished it than Parenting Turnaways (30.4 %).

Conclusions

These findings propose that ensuring women tin can have a wanted abortion enables them to maintain a positive future outlook and achieve their aspirational life plans.

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Groundwork

Women report having abortions for a variety of reasons related to achieving personal life goals. A recent national written report based on data from the Turnaway study (which is also the data source for the current study), institute that among the main reasons for wanting an abortion were: feeling non financially prepared (40 %), non the right fourth dimension (36 %), and having a baby now would interfere with future opportunities (twenty %) [one]. Another national report conducted in 2004 among 1209 abortion patients found that the master reasons for ballgame are to mitigate the effects of unintended pregnancy on life course plans [2]. Specifically, among the top reasons women reported having an abortion were: a baby would dramatically change their lives, that they could non afford a baby now, that they did non want to be a single mother or had problems with their relationship, and that they were not ready for a child or another child. Many of these reasons propose that women felt that conveying the unintended pregnancy to term would interfere with their plans and that ballgame would assistance them achieve their personal goals.

Kirkman and colleagues reviewed the literature on reasons women have abortions. Of the 19 papers they reviewed that met the inclusion criteria, they found that almost all papers included reasons that are classifiable as wrong timing, "which encompassed a sense of not being set up for maternity and the desire not to disrupt education, work, or life plans"[3].

Several legal scholars and philosophers have used a gender equality framework to back up abortion and reproductive rights [4, v]. The gender equality framework contends that the right to abortion is necessary to ensure equality between men and women. Alison Jaggar argues, "The social assignments of caretaking and often fiscal responsibility for their children to mothers means that the nativity of a child, especially an unwanted child, often severely disrupts women's life plans" [6].

Popular back up for ballgame is often based on a desire for women to have access to life opportunities [7]. A recent poll conducted in ii states in the US found that the public considers motherhood or being a primary caregiver equally ane of the top "things [that] might prevent women from having the aforementioned opportunities in life or in work as men."

Despite the prevalent attitudes that abortion enables women to pursue life'due south opportunities, only a couple of studies accept investigated whether an ballgame enables ane to achieve specific milestones, and such studies usually focus on educational achievements. For instance, a 2-year longitudinal U.S. written report found that black teenagers from Baltimore who had an abortion were more probable to continue their teaching than those who carried to term or those who had never been significant [8]. Similarly, a 25-yr longitudinal study in New Zealand examined the extent to which abortion mitigated educational, economic, and social disadvantages associated with pregnancy among women less than age 21 [ix]. The report institute that compared to young women who had unintended pregnancies and carried to term and young women who did not accept unintended pregnancies, young women who obtained abortions were more likely to accomplish educational milestones. Yet, there were no differences found in achievement of economic or relationship milestones. The study too plant that family, social, and educational characteristics were more probable to explain subsequent life outcomes than whether the woman had an abortion.

Both of these studies had a narrow focus—they looked at adolescent women and used predetermined goals such every bit loftier schoolhouse graduation. They did non include women across the lifespan nor did they consider the woman's own stated life goals. The 1 U.Due south. written report was washed in a unmarried city (Baltimore), and published over ii decades ago when access to abortion services and economical atmospheric condition were different. Therefore, findings from that report may not be generalizable to the electric current U.S. context equally a whole.

Probably the greatest weakness of these studies, is that they did not include appropriate comparison groups. Women choosing to have an abortion after an unintended pregnancy may be systematically unlike than those who never had an unintended pregnancy or those who chose to carry to term. Such unobserved factors may confound any furnishings institute between choosing abortion and achieving life milestones. This study overcomes these methodological weaknesses by comparing ii groups of women seeking ballgame; women obtaining a wanted ballgame compared to women denied a wanted abortion.

Data from University of California, San Francisco'due south Turnaway Study were used to examine the impact of having an ballgame on women's own reported i-yr plans. Women who obtained a wanted abortion were compared to women who wanted an abortion but were turned away from getting the procedure considering they presented for intendance subsequently the provider'southward gestational limit. Get-go, all one-year plans were categorized and it was determined whether each programme expressed a positive goal for the coming year (aspirational). It was assessed whether women who were able to have a wanted abortion were more likely to report an aspirational one-yr plan than women denied an abortion. 2d, it was assessed whether women who were able to accept a wanted ballgame were more probable to reach these aspirational one-year plans one year later.

Methods

The Turnaway Written report is a v-year longitudinal study of women seeking abortion. The written report was designed to assess a variety of outcomes of receiving an abortion compared with carrying an unwanted pregnancy to term. The study received approving from the University of California, San Francisco, Committee on Man Research. All participants provided informed consent.

From 2008 to 2010, the Turnaway Written report recruited women from xxx ballgame facilities across the United states of america. Study sites were identified using the National Abortion Federation membership directory and past referral. Sites were selected based on their gestational age limits to perform an abortion process, where each facility had the latest gestational limit of any facility within 150 miles. Gestational age limits ranged from ten weeks to the end of the 2nd trimester. Facilities performed over 2,000 abortions a year on average [x]. They were located in 21 states distributed relatively evenly beyond the country.

Women were recruited on a 1:2:1 ratio: women who presented upward to iii weeks over the facility'south gestational age limit and were turned abroad ("Turnaways"), women who presented upwards to 2 weeks under the limit and received abortions ("About-Limits"), and women who presented in the start trimester and received abortions ("First Trimesters"). Since the majority (92 %) of abortions in the U.S. occur in the first trimester of pregnancy [11], comparisons between the Turnaways and the First Trimesters served to assess whether the experiences of women seeking later on abortions differ from the typical feel of women having abortions in the U.S.

It was anticipated that relatively few women would encounter the Turnaway eligibility requirements; therefore, to ensure a large plenty overall sample for assay without beingness restricted by the low number of women eligible for the Turnaway group, twice as many Most‐Limit participants were enrolled as Turnaways or Commencement‐Trimester participants. For this assay, the Turnaway group was divided into Parenting Turnaways and Non-Parenting Turnaways (which included Turnaways who subsequently had an abortion elsewhere, reported that they had miscarried, or placed the child for adoption).

Women were eligible for participation if they sought an abortion within the gestational limits for each of the written report groups, spoke English or Spanish, and were aged 15 years or older. Further details on recruitment and methods tin can be plant elsewhere [12, 13]. After the baseline survey, participants were contacted for a follow-up phone interview every six months for 5 years. Turnaway Written report data for this analysis come from interviews washed at baseline (one calendar week), six months, and one yr afterward they were recruited at their ballgame-seeking visit.

To reduce losses to follow upward, researchers collected detailed contact information and participants' preferred methods of communication and confidentiality protection preferences; they likewise called women subsequently two months to confirm that the woman's primary and secondary contact data was withal valid. When participants could non be reached, researchers called each day for up to 5 days. If she still could non be reached, researchers sent up to 3 follow-up messages by mail or email (according to her stated contact preferences) and continued to call at the aforementioned frequency for a maximum of 10 sequential days. To recoup respondents for their time, each received a $50 gift carte du jour to a large retail store upon completion of each interview.

Measures

During the baseline Turnaway Written report interview, participants were asked virtually sociodemographic characteristics, their reproductive histories, and a final, open-concluded question "How do yous remember your life will be different a yr from at present?" which was used to capture respondents' one-year plans. Respondents were permitted to provide as long a response as desired. The 6-calendar month and ane-year follow-upward interviews included questions virtually whether they were going to school, whether they were working total or function time, what they did for piece of work, their personal and household income, their household composition, their relationships, their children, their life satisfaction, and their emotions regarding the abortion. These items were used to appraise whether women achieved their one-year plans.

Many women reported multiple one-year plans. Each private plan in a dataset that was blinded to written report group was considered (although some women's plans were suggestive of her report grouping). Each plan was categorized by topic: Education, Employment, Financial, Child-related, Emotional, Living State of affairs/Residence, Relationship Status, and Other. The Other category included vague plans, plans for personal growth, car ownership, wellness and other plans that did not fit into one of the other viii topics.

And then, the outlook of the plan was determined—whether it was positive, negative or neutral. This determination was based on the tone of the statement and the qualifiers used. If conclusion was unclear, the plan was categorized as neutral. 2 researchers reviewed each plan. Identification of a plan equally positive or negative required both researchers agreeing. Positive plans are referred to as "aspirational."

Finally, survey items in the six-month and one-twelvemonth interviews that would indicate achievement of the plan were identified. Some specific plans required all co-authors to discuss and concord upon the meaning of the plan and whether our interview items were sufficient to measure achievement. The exact timing for residential moves could non be determined so when a program involved a residential motion, she was considered to accept achieved the goal if there was evidence that she moved by the second twelvemonth of the study.

Information analysis

Get-go, sample was described, comparing the socio-demographic characteristics of each grouping to the Turnaway-Parenting group. For all analyses, mixed-effects regression models that included random effects for facility were used, and p-values that adjust for the clustering of participants within each site are presented. The Turnaway-Parenting group was the reference category for all comparisons.

I-year plans were described past topic and by outlook (negative/neutral/positive). Mixed-effects multinomial logistic regression was used to assess differences in proportions among the study groups.

Finally, two mixed-effects logistic regression models were conducted: The first modeled the likelihood of having an aspirational one-year goal and the 2nd modeled the likelihood of having an aspirational goal and achieving it. Both models assessed the effects of study group and adjusted for baseline covariates: age, race, didactics, employment, poverty status, union status, parity, and history of feet/depression. The unit of analysis was i-year plans and because some women reported multiple plans, mixed-effects models were used to account for clustering by woman and within each site. Statistical significance was ready at p < 0.05 for all comparisons and adjusted odds ratios (AORs), and 95 % conviction intervals are reported. All statistical analyses were performed using STATA 13 (Stata Corp, 2012).

Results

Overall, 37.five % of eligible women consented to complete semi-annual phone interviews for five years, with no differential participation past study grouping. A total of 956 women completed a baseline interview 8 days subsequently seeking an abortion. Ane facility was excluded (n = 76) from all analyses because 95 % of women initially denied an ballgame obtained ane elsewhere, and thus the site did not contribute an adequate sample of Turnaways. Three women in the Near-Limit abortion group and Commencement-Trimester group were excluded because they reported that they chose not to take an abortion after agreeing to participate in the study, leaving a last sample of 877 participants at baseline. This analysis was limited to those who completed a one-year follow up interview—146 Parenting Turnaways, 254 Beginning-Trimesters, 413 Near-Limits, and 64 Non-Parenting Turnaways (run across Fig. 1). Of the 877 participants who completed the first interview, 86 % also completed the 1 yr follow-upwards interview with no differences between those with follow-upwards data and those who were lost to follow upwards in the kinds of plans reported at baseline. The final sample of participants in this assay was 757.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Sample by report grouping

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Participant characteristics

The only significant differences in socio-demographic characteristics between the Near-Limit Ballgame group and the Parenting Turnaway group (amidst those with 1 year follow up data) were age and parity (see Table i). Parenting Turnaways were younger and less probable to have previous children than Near-Limits. They did non differ significantly by race, education, marital status, school/employment status, history of child sexual abuse, or history of anxiety or depression.

Topics of one-year plans

Because each respondent could requite multiple 1-year plans, the 757 respondents reported a total of 1,304 plans. Amidst all participants, plans were distributed amidst the following themes: Educational (21.3 %), Employment (18.nine %), Other (16.3 %), Changes in Living Situation/Residence (10.4 %), Child-related (10.three %), Financial (vii.8 %), Relationship (v.3 %), Emotional (5.1 %), and Don't know (4.v %).

At baseline, approximately ane week after receiving or being denied an abortion, women in the Parenting Turnaway group were most probable to mention one-twelvemonth plans related to children—significantly more Near-Limits, Start Trimesters (both p < 0.001), and Non-Parenting Turnaways (p = 0.001).

Parenting Turnaways were significantly less likely to mention i-yr plans related to employment than Near-Limits (p = 0.045). They were likewise significantly less likely to mention one-year plans related to relationships than Nearly-Limits (p < 0.045) and Showtime Trimesters (p < 0.002) (see Fig. two).

Fig. ii
figure 2

Proportion of i-yr plans by topic/theme category, by study group, n = 1,304 plans. % of ane year plans is significantly different than Parenting Turnaways at *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, or ***p < 0.001

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Outlook of ane-year plans

The majority of one-year plans were aspirational (80.2 %), followed by neutral/affair of fact i-year plans (17. 6 %) and negative one-year plans (2.2 %). The post-obit are examples of typical aspirational i-year plans in each category (each quoted clause represents a dissimilar participant):

Child-related: "Give a good life to my kids," "My daughter will be done with the showtime year of high school."

Education: "I hope that I will exist back in school," "Finished my pedagogy."

Emotional: "I simply want to be happy," "Less stressful."

Employment: "have a better job," "Hopefully I'll be opening my own business."

Fiscal: "more financially stable," "more money," "I am hoping to be able to support me and my daughter on my own."

Residence: "won't live with my parents anymore," "I'll probably exist in a unlike state, hopefully Australia," "have my own place for me and my son."

Relationships: "I'll be married," "I hope to be divorced," "better human relationship," "As long equally I stay away from the person I was with, I'll be 100 % better."

Other: "I'grand hoping to accept better care of myself," "Have my own auto," "Good, I mean, I don't know."

Neutral/matter of fact responses most often included having a child, but also included statements about life being the aforementioned, or life being different without further comment suggesting how the respondent felt well-nigh it. The following are examples of typical neutral one-year plans in each category:

Child-related: "I approximate I will have three children instead of two," "Kids will be older."

Emotional: "This experience has changed me. I can't quite clear information technology yet but I imagine it will nevertheless be impacting me a year from now"

Residence: "In process of moving." "living situation will be the same."

Relationships: "I don't program on having a family or getting married." "I don't think I desire to have any relationships. Or think about anything like that"

Other: "I don't know," "I don't think information technology will be any unlike."

Amidst all groups, at that place were xxx negative one-year expectations and 1-third of these focused on the alter in quality of life and the adult female's emotions with a new child. The following are examples of typical negative one-year plans in each category:

Child-related: "More stressful and hectic with having ii kids" and "I'll exist running back and forth to day care having to pay someone to watch my child."

Instruction: "I don't think I'll be going to school," "I am going to have to work twice as difficult to get through school and stuff."

Emotional: "I'll still be thinking about the ballgame," "It will be very dissimilar. I don't think I will exist happy. Information technology will be very difficult for me. I don't know what I will practice."

Employment: "I believe that I will exist working two jobs, working really hard to support two kids."

Financial: "I call back that I will have iv children instead of 3 and I volition probably accept less money," "My living situation is all I can afford."

Residence: "I won't exist living with my family unit and I'll accept a kid. I call back it will be a little scrap more than challenging."

Other:" I'thousand living 24-hour interval past day, so I don't know." "I think that information technology will be the aforementioned. I don't see a time to come."

One-yr plans were significantly more than likely to be aspirational among First Trimester (84.3 %), Near-Limit (85.half-dozen %), and Turnaway-Not Parenting (fourscore.9 %) groups compared to the Turnaway-Parenting group (56.3 %, p < 0.001 for all comparisons) (run into Fig. 3). In a model adjusting for potential covariates, First Trimesters and Nearly-Limits were over six times as likely equally Parenting Turnaways to report aspirational ane-twelvemonth plans (Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR) = 6.37 and 6.56 respectively, p < 0.001 for both). Not-Parenting Turnaways were four times as likely to study aspirational i-twelvemonth plans (AOR = four.00, p < 0.001). The only other significant predictor of having an aspirational plan was marital status with married women less likely to have positive one-twelvemonth plans than unmarried women (70.9 % vs 81.i %, AOR = 0.56, p = 0.04) (come across Tabular array 3).

Fig. iii
figure 3

Proportion of ane-twelvemonth plans past whether they were negative, neutral/matter of fact or positive, by study group, n = 1,304. ***% of one year plans is significantly different than Parenting Turnaways at p < 0.001

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Tabular array one Baseline characteristics of sample and distribution by report grouping (due north = 757)

Full size table

Table 2 Adjusted odds of a having an aspirational one-year plan and adapted odds having an aspirational one-year plan and achieving it

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Table 3 Total number of aspirational plans that were unmeasurable, measurable and percent of measurable plans that were achieved

Total size tabular array

Achievement of one-yr plans

Among the 1,046 full aspirational plans across written report groups, it was possible to assess whether 87.1 % were achieved by one year using a range of items included in the interview guide. The most common measures used to assess achievement of plans included whether the participant obtained a specific degree or graduated, whether she had a higher income, whether she was in school, whether she was working, whether she moved out of her parents' house and/or living out on her own, whether she moved, and whether she felt satisfied with her life (used to evaluate happiness).

Achievement of 12.9 % (northward = 133) of life plans could non exist measured because they were either too vague or appropriate data to verify if the goal was achieved was unavailable. For example, vague unmeasurable goals included: "I hope and think I'k going to exist more on rail—more stable. Getting everything straightened up" and "Hopefully exist in a ameliorate more than stable place." Wanting greater stability in the future was a common unmeasurable theme. Goals that were unmeasurable also included those for which no information was nerveless such as goals about car ownership, being in a good human relationship with a new partner, and participants' hopes for family members' achievements.

Among the 899 aspirational plans that were measurable, 47.3 % were achieved. There was no difference by study group in the achievement of aspirational plans among women who reported them—Parenting Turnaways: 46.2 %, First Trimesters: 44.7 %, Near-Limits: 48.three %, the Non-Parenting Turnaways: 52.iii % (not shown in tables). Among the measurable aspirational plans, women were most likely to achieve kid-related plans (88.9 %), which most ofttimes entailed having a new infant. Women were besides highly likely to accomplish their financial (72.ix %) and other plans (72.5) within one yr. They were to the lowest degree likely to achieve their educational (30.9 %) and relationship status (xviii.0 %) plans (Table 2). There were no significant differences in achievement within each program type by study group.

However, among all measurable plans (due north = 1,024), Near-Limits (45.half-dozen %, AOR = ane.91, p = 0.003) and Non-Parenting Turnaways (47.9 %, AOR = two.09, p = 0.026) were significantly more than likely to have both an aspirational plan and to accept achieved it than Parenting Turnaways (thirty.4 %) (see Table iii).

Word

This study found that women who were denied an ballgame were less likely to have aspirational i-year plans than those who obtained an abortion. Those who were denied an ballgame were more probable to have neutral or negative expectations for their future. Whether or not a person has aspirational plans is indicative of her hope for the time to come. Without such plans or hopes, she misses out on opportunities to achieve milestones in life.

These findings suggest that before long after beingness denied an abortion, many Turnaways may have scaled dorsum their one twelvemonth plans knowing that they were going to have to carry an unwanted pregnancy to term. Turnaways likely changed their i year plans in ii ways after learning of being denied an abortion: First, they frequently incorporated their forthcoming child into their aspirational 1-year plans; these child-related goals were oft achieved simply past carrying the pregnancy to term. Turnaways were significantly less likely to have vocational goals compared to women who obtained an abortion, likely because employment-related goals felt unattainable while parenting a newborn. Second, women who were denied a wanted abortion were adjusting to the thought of carrying an unwanted pregnancy to term and probable changed from having more than aspirational 1-yr plans to more neutral or negative expectations for the hereafter.

The greater focus on relationship goals amidst women in the Near-Limit grouping may reflect their desires for new and better relationships; women who have an ballgame may experience gratis to get out poor relationships compared to women who are going to have a child with the man involved in the pregnancy. Indeed, every bit reported in other papers from these data, one-third of participants reported their partner as a reason to accept an abortion, including poor relationships and undesirable characteristics for fatherhood [14] and women denied an ballgame were slower to end a relationship with the man involved in the pregnancy compared to Virtually-Limits who received their wanted abortion [fifteen].

In addition to the straightforward goals of gaining employment or didactics, many women mentioned personal psychosocial goals they wanted to attain. A strength of this study is that many points of data on a wide diverseness of psychosocial and emotional outcomes were available, including life satisfaction, anxiety, and depression allowing us to appraise achievement in goals related to mood and happiness which were relatively common. One construct that was non measureable was stability, a common theme among women's visions for the futurity. Futurity studies should aim to measure life stability besides as other emotional outcomes to empathize how they are afflicted by pregnancy decisions.

A strength of the study was the use of appropriate comparison groups to sympathize the furnishings of abortion. All of the women in our sample had unintended pregnancies and all sought abortion. Comparing those who were denied an ballgame to those who received a wanted abortion allows united states to control for whatsoever unobserved characteristics that would be associated with abortion-seeking for example, the life circumstances that brought women to their abortion decision. In improver, confounders thought to affect our event measures were controlled for.

While most women in all groups had positive one-year plans, fewer than half of the goals were achieved within i year. In other words, many women overestimated what they could achieve in one yr.

This study has several limitations. Commencement, the Turnaway study is express to fewer than grand women and many women who were invited to participate declined. This study'due south participation rate is in line with other longitudinal studies [16, 17] all the same the women who declined to participate may be different from those who agreed. This analysis enjoyed a relatively high one-yr follow-upward rate (86 %) with no differentials in the kinds of plans reported by those who completed the ane-year interview and those who did not. Additionally, due to sample size limitations, the analysis was unable to determine achievement by specific theme of the goal. Another limitation is that the assay was unable to evaluate whether all goals were met and for some goals, measurement may have been imprecise, for instance, the timing of residential moves. Finally, because many Turnaways likely changed their goals later on learning they were denied an abortion, it could not be adamant how abortion (or being denied an abortion) affected the women's original goals, before some learned they were going to accept to carry to term. Hereafter studies should endeavor to assess personal goals before unintended pregnancy to farther sympathize the effect of abortion on life course outcomes.

Conclusion

This study demonstrates that women who receive a wanted abortion are better able to aspire for the future than women who are denied a wanted ballgame and must carry an unwanted pregnancy to term. Support for a adult female to have access to abortion is often based on a belief that when faced with an unintended pregnancy, women who accept an ballgame take improve life course trajectories than women who carry their unintended pregnancies to term. There is a belief that access to abortion is important for equal opportunities for women and for their fiscal stability [seven]. These findings provide evidence to support this premise.

Women seek abortion for a range of reasons tied to their individual life circumstances and stage of life and oftentimes for the profound effects they perceive that having a babe would take on their life plans. Our analysis is unique because it allowed women to express their life plan in their own words. This written report shows that abortion enables women to aspire for a improve life in the future and achieve these goals.

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank Alejandra Vargas-Johnson for her dandy efforts coding the i-year plans. They too give thanks Rana Barar, Heather Gould and Sandy Stonesifer for report coordination and management; Mattie Boehler-Tatman, Janine Carpenter, Undine Darney, Ivette Gomez, Selena Phipps, Brenly Rowland, Claire Schreiber and Danielle Sinkford for conducting interviews; Michaela Ferrari, Debbie Nguyen and Elisette Weiss for project support; Jay Fraser and John Neuhaus for statistical and database assist and all the participating providers for their assistance with recruitment. This study was supported by research and institutional grants from the Wallace Alexander Gerbode Foundation, the David and Lucile Packard Foundation, The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation and an bearding foundation.

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Corresponding author

Correspondence to Ushma D. Upadhyay.

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Competing interests

The authors declare that they have no competing interests.

Authors' contributions

UDU conceptualized the analyses for this paper, reviewed the literature, conducted the coding and statistical analyses, interpreted the results, and drafted the paper. MAB contributed to coding the information, interpreting the results, and revising the manuscript for of import intellectual content. DGF conceptualized and led the overall Turnaway study design, led the data collection, and contributed to coding the data, interpreting the results, and revising the manuscript for important intellectual content. All authors read and approved the final manuscript and are answerable for all aspects of the piece of work.

Authors' informations

UDU is a Public Health Social Scientist whose piece of work encompasses two overarching themes: the effects of women's empowerment and gender equity on reproductive health and improving admission to reproductive health care for vulnerable populations.

MAB is a Social Psychologist whose research is dedicated to meliorate agreement the barriers faced by economically disadvantaged populations in accessing reproductive health services and so that policy tin be designed to ameliorate their social and health outcomes.

DGF is a demographer who uses quantitative models and analyses to evaluate the effectiveness of family planning policies and the effect of unintended pregnancy on women's lives.

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Upadhyay, U.D., Biggs, G.A. & Foster, D.G. The consequence of abortion on having and achieving aspirational one-year plans. BMC Women's Health xv, 102 (2015). https://doi.org/ten.1186/s12905-015-0259-1

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  • DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-015-0259-one

Keywords

  • Abortion
  • Unintended pregnancy
  • Life goals
  • Life plans
  • Aspirations
  • Outlook
  • Achievements
  • Milestones

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Source: https://bmcwomenshealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12905-015-0259-1

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